Abstract The experiment involved constructing a microphone from the materials given to us. Our group was supposed to make as sensitive microphone as possible. This laboratory was also intended to introduce the concept of sensor materials which can be made to act as electric sense organs. Our group has lost the competition, but even so by the end of the lab we understood how the microphone works and was able to construct it and test it using the Lab VIEW program. Introduction A real microphone consists of a diaphragm that is connected to a magnet.

Sound waves vibrate the diaphragm and move the magnet in and out. The magnet is inside a coil of wire. When the magnet moves inside a coil of wire it produces a voltage signal through the wire. Experimental Work In order to build piezoelectric microphone successfully our group began by thinking of our initial idea for the design. We drew it to the best of our knowledge to get the best results. After that our group got all the necessary parts and began the construction.

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After a lot of thinking and arguing it was decided to use a small paper cup, aluminum foil, rubber band, scotch tape and of course piezoelectric film. As the parts were put together we made sure that as the sound goes into the microphone it would pick up all the sounds and produce clear result. Then our group made sure that it doesnt fall apart and taped the piezoelectric film to the top of the aluminum foil and tied it together with a rubber band. And only then our group began testing. Our results were not so good, so we began to improve the design by changing the amount of layers of aluminum foil and by trying to cover the top of the paper cup with plastic.

Each time our group tried to improve the microphone and tested it, the results were different. Data and Observations Our microphone was constructed using a small paper cup. It was thought by the members of our group that a small cup would help focus the sound in one place. Inside the cup our group has placed layers of aluminum foil, because we thought it would prevent the sound from leaving. At the bottom we made a hall for the piezoelectric film. When our group was observing the printouts from the LABVIEW we looked at both Time Domain and Frequency Domain. Our Time Domain wasnt as high as others, but piezoelectric microphone worked fine and we competed with everyone else.

Our Frequency Domain wasnt high either and on the graph you can see two peaks instead of one. Our group also made some observations about the audio. It was difficult to tell the frequency and very difficult to analyze how the microphone responds to certain sounds. It allows people to hear the clarity of a sound produced by a microphone. As far as visual observations, it allows us to analyze the wave the microphone produces.

It isnt useful in allowing people to determine how the microphone actually sounds. Conclusion In conclusion Id like to say that this experiment has taught us not only how to build a piezoelectric microphone, but also about piezoelectric films that we knew nothing about before, and how we can use them in other places. Piezoelectric means composed of crystalline material that when mechanical stress is applied an electric charge is produced. The molecules of crystalline material compress and expand and this causes a voltage to appear at the opposite ends of the film. Some of the places where we might use piezoelectric microphone might be motion detectors, touch-sensitive pads or airbags deployment systems. I think it would be a great idea to use them in airbags deployment systems, because they would be able to tell how short or tall, large or small the person is and adjust the airbag accordingly.

I believe this would prevent a lot of injuries. 1. Why can piezoelectric film be used as a sensor? Piezoelectric film can be used a sensor because it is sensitive and picks up sounds very easily. If it is located at the right place and surrounded by the right environment it can pick up noises that are hard to hear and vibrate. 2. What difference would the size and shape of the material make? The difference is how clear the sound is and how high the Time Domain and the Frequency Domain will be.

3. What is the role of each material used? What would happen if only a single material was used? Aluminum foil is used to keep the noise inside the cup so the sensor can pick up the sounds easily. Piezoelectric Strip and Lead is used to pick up the sound and vibrate as it does. The lead is to connect it to the keyboard, so we can see the Time Domain and the Frequency Domain. Cup is used to keep all things inside and not to let the sound come out and to form a vacuum for the sound.

Tape and Rubber Band is used to hold the device together so it would not fall apart. If only one material was used we probably would not be able to hear the sound and to see the scales, because it would not be sufficient enough to hold the sound inside and prevent it from spreading out. 4. What other types of sensitive devices could you make with this material? It would also be possible to construct a motion detector, touch-sensitive pads or airbags deployment systems.


Abstract Animal experimentation has been going on for a while now and people have been protesting against it since it has begun. It seems now days there are more cons for animal experiments because of how it has become a popular topic to this day. The pros seem to think that animal experiments are necessary for living a healthy life. With all of the debating going on, animal experimentation may be halted. Animal Experimentation Should animal experimentation be regulated? Do animals have the same rights we do? These are questions that are of much debate. Animals are used in experiments all of the time, whether they are testing a new drug, or testing their reactions to a new fabric softener.

But is this morally O.K.? First of all, billions of dollars of taxpayer money is spent on animal experimentation annually. Money is given to big name corporations and the military. It is used for wound testing, radiation testing, and other chemicals of war. Agricultural experiments include finding ways to improve farm animals. Private companies also invest in the vivisection industry. These experiments are actually more expensive than experiments on human subjects (Internet 3). Animals are not humans, obviously, but we test drugs that are meant to be used on humans all of the time.

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It is good that we dont have to make humans suffer, but just because something works on, or doesnt effect an animal, doesnt mean it will do the same on a human. For instance, the drugs thalidomide, Zomax, and DES were all tested on animals and thought of as safe, but they had devastating effects on humans (Internet 3). Many of the protests now days for animals are to give them rights against experimentation. The company that people protest against most is the Procter and Gamble pharmaceutical. They do a various number of tests, and one of the most common is the draze test.

In the draze test the animals get multiple soaps and detergents placed and dropped into their eyes to test if the soap will be safe for at home usage. Usually what happens is if the soap is not safe to eyes then it may cause serious damage to the animals eyes. Some other tests include cures for cancers and many other tests that usually cause the animals to live the rest of their life abnormal (Internet 4). Some people feel that animal experimentation is not bad at all because the animals help keep us safe and alive. Some of the tests they do to animals may seem crude but they are helping people in everyday life. After most animals are tested on they can be put to sleep easily and may suffer no further pain.

They also do vivisections on animals and connect computer ports, such as parallel ports ( which you would connect a printer too) too there head which is linked to there brain activity areas. They use the port on their head to read such things as their cholesterol and blood pressure and various other things instead of having to use a needle, etc. But many believe that even though they are put to sleep afterwards, that is no excuse for the misery they are put through before that (Book 1). There are alternatives however to animal testing, for instance testing on death row inmates. The government does already highly regulate these experiments.

They are only allowed to use certain species and living conditions must be up to par. They even do surprise inspections, but many illegal operations go on all of the time without the government even knowing. You can find pictures of these sorts of things all over the Internet, and they are very disturbing. Animals can not talk, they can not say whether or not they want to be tested on. They did not do anything to deserve such torture.

But, it is for the good of man right? Humans really need to get their morals straight. There are still so many questions; did God intend for us to do whatever we want with animals? Do animals have rights? But one thing will always be for sure; it is your decision. References 1. Fox, Michael W. (1980). Returning to Eden: Animal Rights and Human Responsibility New York: The Viking Press 2. Morris, Richard K.

& Fox, Michael W. (1978) On the Fifth Day: Animal Rights & Human Ethics Washington D.C.: Acropolis Books 3. PETA online www.peta.com 4. The Sad Faces of Vivisection in America http://members.tripod.com/~duwonnie/.


Imprisonment rates for women have increased significantly over the past few
years. This increase, relative to the trend for male prisoners, has
implications relating to the overall rise in prison populations and the
subsequent planning issues for prisons.

This paper aims to identify the factors that are contributing to this
greater increase in the rate for women prisoners (the reference period of
1995 to 2002 indicates a 60% increase in rate per 100,000 population) as
compared to male prisoners. The behavior and characteristics of female
prisoners, including the types of offences committed, prior imprisonment,
age and Indigenous status provide possible explanations. In addition,
changes in sentencing practice, such as whether women are being
treated more harshly than previously by the judiciary and whether more
unsentenced women are being held in prisons, could also shed some light on
the apparent trend. The United Kingdom has experienced similar increases
in women in prison over the past decade, with recent research suggesting
that sentencing practice has been the main influencing factor despite the
fact that women tend to commit the less serious types of offences and also
tend to reoffend less often than men. Preliminary analysis of Australian
prison population figures for women suggests that the age and Indigenous
status profiles of female prisoners have shifted only slightly over the
course of the reference period. However the nature of the crimes committed
has changed. The number of women imprisoned for non-violent crimes has
decreased, while the number imprisoned for violent crimes has increased
(with robbery being the most notable increase). Considering this, further
analysis of offence types, prior convictions and aggregate sentence lengths
over time will be conducted in order to identify factors possibly
contributing to the large increase of women in prison.

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One of the most fundamental characteristics of incarcerated populations is
that they are constituted almost entirely by male prisoners. In June of
2002 there were 21,008 males in Australian prisons and 1,484 females (ABS,
Prisoner Census, 2002). That is, males accounted for more than 93% of the
Australian prison population.

The reason for this overwhelming disparity in prison populations is quite
clear. For the most part, crime is committed by young males. Involvement of
males in crime of all types is much greater than involvement of females,
with greater differences being evident for the more serious crimes. This
disparity has been observed in both official (police) and unofficial (self-
report) measures of crime.

There are a number of reasons that have been proposed in the literature for
this differential involvement in criminal behaviour. These reasons tend to
focus on two main proposals: that women are inherently less inclined to
crime in general and to serious crime in particular; and that women are
treated differently by the courts.

Whatever the reason for the clear difference in involvement in criminal
behaviour, the resulting disparity in prison populations can be found
around the world. However in the last decade, and particularly in the last
five years, there has been a disproportionately rapid growth in the number
women in prison. At the prisoner census on 30 June 1995, there were 835
women and 16,593 men in the national prisoner population of 17,428. During
the seven years to 30 June 2002, the absolute number of male prisoners
increased by 27% while the absolute number of females increased by 78%. The
proportion of women in the prison population has risen from 4.8% in 1995 to
6.6% in 2002. The most telling figure is the rate of incarceration per
100,000 population: for males the rate has increased from 245.9 in 1995 to
282.4 in 2002, a rise of almost 15%. But for females, the rate of
imprisonment has jumped from 12.0 per 100,000 population in 1995 to 19.2
per 100,000 in 2002. This 60% increase in the rate of female imprisonment
is four times the increase for males.

This significant increase in the numbers of female prisoners and the rates
of female imprisonment are not unique to Australia. A recent study
conducted by the British Home Office (2002) shows that the proportion of
women in British prisons rose from 3.9% in 1995 to 5.6% in 2001. The number
of women in prison increased from 1993 to 2001 by 140% while the number of
men increased only
46% during that period. These figures are similar to those in Australia and
are also indicative of a substantial increase for females. In attempting to
understand the drivers of this change, the study examined the demographics
of female prisoners and their involvement in the criminal justice system.

Females were found to be more likely to be discharged or to receive a
community sentence, and were less likely to be sentenced to custody. When
they were sentenced, females were given shorter sentences. The study
suggested that this partially reflects the nature of crimes in which
females are involved, but even within offence groups, females are treated
more leniently than are
men. Of course, offence type is only a crude proxy of offence seriousness,
as the specific nature of the offence can vary greatly even within offence
groups. The study concluded that the increase in the female prison
population reflects sentencing changes, with increases in prison receptions
being driven by a more serious response to the less serious offences.

Imprisonment Rates for Males and Females, 1995-2002
The graph below shows the rapid and disproportionate increase in the rate
of imprisonment for females when compared with males. Using 1995 as a base,
the rate of imprisonment for females has increased by 60% over the seven
year period, while the rate for males has increased only 14.8%.

The information above can also be presented in terms of proportions of the
prison population. The following graph shows the proportion of female
prisoners in each State/Territory over the period 1995-2002. It is clear
that there has been a substantial increase in female prisoners across
overall the proportion of female prisoners has increased from 4.8% in 1995
to 6.6% in 2002.

This disparity has implications not only for understanding the reasons
behind the overall rise in prison populations, but also for issues relating
to the specific needs for female prisoners. On a broader level, this
increase also has implications for prevention and intervention programs.

Such programs tend to be directed at male offenders, who comprise the bulk
of the offending population. An increase in the proportion of female
prisoners indicates that prevention and intervention programs may need to
reassess their target population and thus their strategies.

The following section proposes a number of possible factors that might be
influencing the rise in female imprisonment.

Factors Influencing the Increase in Female Crime
There are several possible reasons for this is proportionate increase in
the number of female prisoners. Changes in women’s criminal behaviour,
changes in the characteristics of female offenders or changes in official
responses to female criminality may all be affecting the number of
women who are serving prison terms.

Changes in women’s criminal behaviour:
Offence type
Women tend to be involved in the forms of crime that are typically regarded
as less serious, such as shoplifting and drug use; they tend not to commit
the more serious types of crime such as homicide and assault. However
increases in the proportion of women in prison might be partially explained
by changes in the types of crime women are committing. Crimes that are seen
as more serious will attract more (and longer) sentences of imprisonment.

Hypothesis 1: The increase in the rate of female incarceration is due to an
increase in the seriousness of women’s crime.

Prior imprisonment
For both males and females, offenders who have been in prison on a prior
occasion will be more likely to receive a term of imprisonment than those
who have not. It is possible that the increase in female prisoners is due
to an increase in the re-offending of women. This implies a change in the
frequency of offending, rather than in the type of offending.

Hypothesis 2: The increase in the rate of female incarceration is due to an
increase in the numbers
of women coming before the courts who have previously been imprisoned.

Changes in the characteristics of female offenders
It is a well-established fact in criminology that rates of offending are
greatest among the young. In particular, the 15-24 year age group is often
cited as having the highest crime rate. The preponderance of young people
in the criminal justice system is found among both males and females. A
change in the age profile of women prisoners might help explain the
increase in female imprisonment rates.

Hypothesis 3: The increase in the rate of female incarceration is due to a
downward change in the age profile of women prisoners.

Changes in official responses to female criminality
Aggregate sentence length
It is possible that the court system treats male and female defendants
differently, being more lenient towards women. Possible explanations of
this disparity revolve around the notions of “chivalry” and “paternalism”.

These explanations suggest that courts are less willing to sentence women
to terms
of imprisonment than they are men, and that when imprisonment is handed
down, the length of the sentence will be shorter for women, other things
being equal. Changes in sentencing policy may have reduced the impact of
such differential treatment, with a resulting increase in the length of
women’s sentences.

Hypothesis 5: The increase in the rate of female incarceration is due to an
increase in the length of imprisonment sentences handed down to women.

Unsentenced prisoners
The use of remand and other unsentenced detention as a mechanism to hold
unsentenced prisoners might also be subject to the same influences that
result in differential sentencing practices for men and women. In the same
way as changes in sentencing policy may have affected overall imprisonment
rates for women, these changes may also have affected the use of remand for

Hypothesis 6: The increase in the rate of female incarceration is due to an
increase in the number of unsentenced female prisoners.

Changes in Women’s Criminal Behaviour
Offence type
The following graphs show the proportion of female prisoners who are
serving sentences for certain violent crimes and those whose sentence
relates to selected non-violent crimes. These offence types were selected
as they represent what might be considered crimes typically committed by
males (the violent crimes) and those more typically associated with females
(the non-violent crimes).

There has been a clear increase in the proportion of female prisoners who
have been sentenced for a violent crime. This increase has been most
pronounced for robbery (from 6.9% in 1995 to 11.9% in 2002), although
homicide has increased as well. Assault figures have been more volatile,
and have increased marginally.

The trend for non-violent crimes is even more dramatic. The proportion of
females sentenced for deception offences has dropped from 16.4% in 1996
(the first year these data are available in this series) to 9.7% in 2002, a
decrease of 41%. Illicit drug offences decreased dramatically between 1995
and 2001 with a drop of almost 50%, then increased sharply in 2002. Despite
this rise, drug offences are still significantly lower in 2002
(representing 14.8% of most serious offences) than
they were in 1995 (at 18.4% of most serious offences). Break and enter
offences have dropped moderately over the reference period.

Overall, it is apparent that the nature of the offences for which women are
being sentenced to prison has changed substantially from 1995 to 2002. This
might be due to a real change in the nature of female crime, to more
general changes in the types of offences being brought before the court, or
changes in court sentencing practices.

An examination of the offences of male prisoners over this period clarifies
these trends. The graphs below show the proportion of male prisoners
sentenced for a selection of violent and non-violent crimes.

The trends for males are very different to those for females. The nature of
offences for which males are sentenced has remained fairly stable over the
period under examination, with violent offences increasing only slightly
and non-violent offences decreasing only slightly.

It is also helpful to examine these overall trends on a single graph. The
graph below presents single trend lines for the selected violent and non-
violent offences for females and males.

The most significant trend apparent from this graph is the decrease in the
proportion of non-violent most serious offences for females. This drop
possibly reflects a change in sentencing practices by the courts, whereby
less serious offenders are diverted from prison to other penalty types such
as fines, suspended sentences or community service orders.

Hypothesis 1 thus appears to have been supported. The change in the nature
of female offences seems to be unique, and not part of a general change
across the prisoner population. This has
implications for the number of female defendants being sentenced to prison:
more serious crimes are more likely to attract a prison sentence and to
attract a longer sentence as well.

Prior imprisonment
An increase in the proportion of female prisoners with prior imprisonment
would help explain the increase in female prisoners. The following graph
shows the proportion of male and female prisoners who have previously been

It is apparent that there is no significant increase over this period for
either males or females in the proportion of prisoners with prior
imprisonments. For the most part, the trend for females tracks the trend
for males, with both proportions moving only slightly between 1995 and

Hypothesis 2 appears not to have been supported, as there has been no
significant change in the
proportion of female prisoners with prior imprisonment.

Changes in the characteristics of female offenders
A change in age profile might lead to a change in the proportion of female
prisoners. It would be
expected that a lowering of age of prisoners could indicate an increase in
participation in criminal behaviour, as it is the younger age groups that
tend to have the highest involvement in crime.

There is no significant change apparent over the reference period of the
age profile of female
prisoners, with both graphs showing a preponderance of women in the 25-29
age group.

Hypothesis 3 thus appears not to have been supported, as there has been no
significant change in the age profile of female prisoners over this period.

Changes in Official Responses to Female Criminality
Aggregate sentence length
If the courts are reducing the disparity in sentencing between males and
females and are sentencing female defendants to longer prison terms than in
previous years, then the proportion of female prisoners would increase
disproportionately. The following graph shows median aggregate sentence
length for both males and females for 1995 to 2002.

It is apparent that the median sentence length for females continues to be
much lower than for
males. The median sentence length for females increased from 18.2 to 24
months (an increase of
32%) from 1995 to 1997 but has remained remarkably stable ever since. For
males, sentence length increased from 38.1 to 42 months (an increase of
10%) from 1995 to 2000 but has also remained stable since. While aggregate
sentence length did increase disproportionately for females in the early
years of the reference period, sentence length cannot explain the
continuing increase in female prisoner numbers in the years since 1997.

The continuing significant disparity between male and female sentence
lengths is possibly a
function of the types of offences committed by men and women, although
there may be some
degree of differential treatment as well. The following graph examines
whether there is an effect of offence type on sentence length for males and
for females.

It is clear that females are being sentenced to shorter sentences than
males, even when offence type is held constant. The only exception to this
is dealing and trafficking of illicit drugs, where median aggregate
sentence length is the same for both males and females. This suggests that
there may indeed be some disparity in sentencing practices, with females
being treated more leniently by the courts. However it is also possible
that there are still variations in the seriousness of offences within these
broad offence categories. It is not possible to examine offences at such a
fine level of detail with these data.

Hypothesis 5 thus appears not to have been supported: the increase in
female imprisonment rates
cannot be explained by disproportionate changes in sentence length.

However, given international findings concerning the issue of changing
sentencing practices (in particular, findings from the United Kingdom),
further detailed analysis of the seriousness of offences would be valuable.

Unsentenced prisoners
An increase in unsentenced female prisoners might explain the increase in
female imprisonment
rates. The graph below shows the proportion of unsentenced prisoners for
females and for the total prison population.

It is apparent that the proportion of unsentenced prisoners has increased
for both females and for the prison population as a whole. For females, the
proportion of unsentenced prisoners has increased from 15.1% in 1995 to
24.5% in 2002 (a rise of 62%). For the total prison population, the
proportion of unsentenced prisoners has increased from 11.5% in 1995 to
19.6% in 2002 (a rise of 70%). Thus the increase in female unsentenced
prisoners is marginally smaller than that for all prisoners.

Hypothesis 6 therefore appears not to have been supported: while the
increase in the proportion of unsentenced female prisoners is contributing
to the general rise in female imprisonment rates, it does not seem to
explain the disproportionate nature of the rise.

It is apparent from the data analysed that the main factor in the
disproportionate increase in the
female prisoner population is that the type of offence that female
prisoners have committed has
changed over the reference period. As women’s crimes have become more
violent, their
representation in prisons has increased as serious crimes are more likely
to attract a prison sentence than are non-violent crimes.

On the other hand, sentencing outcomes have changed little over the
reference period. Both men’s and women’s aggregate sentence lengths have
remained stable for the last few years. However, there is still a disparity
in the sentence length of men and women even within offence categories.

These findings are somewhat at odds with a primary conclusion from the
study conducted by the British Home Office. Increases in female
imprisonment in Britain have been attributed to changes in sentencing
practices, with more serious responses being applied to the less serious
crimes. In this analysis, the aggregate sentence length of female prisoners
has remained stable over the last few years. Instead, the analysis
uncovered a substantial change in the nature of women’s offending. This
suggests that there might be other factors contributing to the change in
the female prisoner population in the two countries — factors relating to
characteristics of female offenders or to sentencing practices of the
courts. Further analysis is required to determine what these factors might

The increase in the female prison population has implications not only for
concerns about service
provision, but also for the development of prevention and intervention
programs. If the nature of
female offending is changing, then prevention programs that target women
will need to change
accordingly. Community expectations and understanding of female criminality
will need to change, as will the responses of the criminal justice system.

Police, courts and the prison system will need to consider how such changes
affect their treatment of female offenders. The prison system in particular
will need to assess the impact of changes in the nature of female offending
patterns on their current provision of services.

Further analysis is warranted in this area, in particular to examine more
closely the possible effect of changing sentencing practices on female
imprisonment rates.


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